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[L]et us consider what may appear to be a simple memory: that of your grandmother. Most of us are conscious of our grandmothers. But how? What series of neural links, of connections to connections, allow us to conjure up those dear old dames? Presumably an image of grandma may come to mind, and that would appear to involve the optic lobes. But other parts of the memory relating to voice would have originated, presumably, in the temporal lobes. These recollections are connected to others related to things she said and did, the way her house smelled on Thanksgiving Day, the colors of her kitchen, and so on. Because the memory of your grandmother is no doubt imbued with emotional overtones, those cells, whose locations are not known, would also need to be activated. And finally there is the not inconsequential linguistic task of matching the word "grandmother" to one elderly or even long-deceased human female who happened to be the mother of one of your parents. It is difficult, if not impossible, to see how a single so-called "grandmother" cell would manage to bind all of these components of a complex memory together [8]. |
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Thus, even the simplest of mental events probably supervenes on the activation of a vast network of interconnected neurons. The concept of a "cell assembly" was introduced by Donald Hebb, and its formation is described as follows: "Any frequently repeated, particular stimulation will lead to the slow development of a 'cell-assembly,' a diffuse structure comprising cells . . . capable of acting briefly as a closed system. . . . [9]" It is in the training of such assemblies that we begin to see downward causation. It is better described as downward causation from the environment to the brain rather than mental causation, but insofar as intentionality or reference is an essential ingredient in rationality we have here the beginnings of an account of the rational structuring of the brain. Before pursuing this line of thought, however, we need to explore the concept of downward causation, a concept that Arthur Peacocke has made familiar in the theology and science literature. Footnotes for the first three sections |
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[1] There is controversy over the proper term to use for an account of the person that denies that we are composites of body and something else. 'Physicalism' is the term most often used by philosophers who hold this view. [2] 'Reductionism has a variety of related meanings. Methodological reductionism is a strategy in science that seeks to understand an entity by studying its parts. Epistemological or theoretical reductionism is the thesis that sciences above physics in the hierarchy of the sciences can or should be related to lower-level sciences by means of definitions or bridge laws. The important issue here is causal reductionism, the thesis that the behavior of an entity is determined by the behavior of its parts. [3] See Jaegwon Kim, "The Myth of Nonreductive Materialism," in The Mind-Body Problem, Richard Warren and Tadeusz Szubka, eds., (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1994), 242-60. [4] The relations among events, properties or states of events or entities, and descriptions all need to be worked out more carefully. I shall not attempt to do so here. I merely note that there may be a problem with Kim's use of these terms: For Kim an event is the instantiation of a property at a time. But if there is a supervenient mental property and a physical property, both instantiated at t, how are we to know what is the relation between M1 and P1? Is it identity? If so we seem to face all of the well-known problems with the various versions of the mind-brain identity thesis. If it is mere correlation (as Kim's definitions of supervenience would suggest) then we seem to have psychophysical parallelism or a new version of epiphenomenalism unless M1 is hypothesized to play a causal role in producing M2/P2. But this looks suspiciously like mind- brain interactionism. So I am inclined to emphasize that there are only two events here, neutrally referred to as e1 and e2, but susceptible of both mental and physical descriptions. To argue this, though, I would need to spell out, first, an account of supervenience different from Kim's, and second, deal with the problem of the relation between properties and descriptions. [5] Supervenience is understood by Kim and many others in terms of co-variation of properties: there can be no mental difference without a physical difference. Let me insert a demurral here: this account of supervenience does not seem to me to capture the original sense of the term--the dependence of the supervenient on the subvenient--and it does seem to ensure reducibility of supervenient properties. [6] Colin McGinn, "Consciousness and Content," in Ned Block, Owen Flanagan, and Güven Güzeldere, eds., The Nature of Consciousness: Philosophical Debates (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 255-307; 305. [7] Fred Dretske, "Mental Events as Structuring Causes of Behavior," in John Heil and Alfred Mele, eds., Mental Causation (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995), 121-136; 122-3. [8] Alwyn Scott, Stairway to the Mind: The Controversial New Science of Consciousness (New York: Springer-Verlag, 1995), 78. [9] Quoted by Scott, op. cit., 81. |